By Chambi Chachage, Annar Cassam
Julius Kambarage Nyerere, the 1st president of Tanzania, used to be a Pan-Africanist and an internationalist, and this e-book contains contributions from top commentators—those who labored and fought imperialism along Nyerere, participants of a more youthful iteration, and Nyerere in his personal phrases. The writings examine Nyerere and liberation, the Commonwealth, management, fiscal improvement, land, human rights, and schooling. particularly, they're a testomony to the turning out to be reputation of the necessity to re-light the fires of African socialism to which Nyerere was once deeply dedicated.
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Additional info for Africa's liberation: the legacy of Nyerere
Philosophically speaking, I am not a believer in the one-party system exclusively; my own inclination is towards a multiparty 12 Nyerere talks to El Mussawar system but I do not regard that system to be the only way to democracy. We have tremendous debate and opposition in our party. We are a mass party, not a vanguard party, and we have the whole spectrum of opinions in our party of two million members. This fact has also helped us to contribute to the struggle for liberation – our mass party gave us the unity necessary for this.
Many definitions have been rendered as to who is an intellectual. Is it somebody who has been to a university or, as Ali Mazrui once put it, ‘one who is excited by ideas and has acquired 28 An intellectual in power the ability to handle some of these ideas effectively’? Is it a professional or one who can stand up and talk on Picasso, Leo Tolstoy or Beethoven? Byron considered an intellectual not only a person attracted to ideas, but whose purpose in life, whose thoughts and actions were determined by those ideas.
For unless society is so organised that the people control their own economies and their own economic activity, then economic growth will result in increased injustice because it will lead to inequality both nationally and internationally … Political independence is meaningless if a nation does not control the means by which its citizens can earn their living. (Nyerere 1968, p. 88) For Mwalimu Nyerere, societies were supposed to be organised in such a way that they served ‘social justice in what has been called the “revolution of rising expectations”’.