By Saul Dubow
This new examine bargains a clean interpretation of apartheid South Africa. rising out of the author's long-standing pursuits within the background of racial segregation, and drawing on loads of new scholarship, archival collections, and private memoirs, he situates apartheid in international in addition to neighborhood contexts. the general perception of Apartheid, 1948–1994 is to combine reports of resistance with the research of energy, taking note of the significance of principles, associations, and culture.
Saul Dubow refamiliarizes and defamiliarizes apartheid in order to strategy South Africa's white supremacist earlier from not likely views. He asks not just why apartheid was once defeated, yet the way it survived goodbye. He neither presumes the increase of apartheid nor its dying. This synoptic reinterpretation is designed to introduce scholars to apartheid and to generate new questions for specialists within the box.
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Additional resources for Apartheid, 1948–1994
So, too, would the continued existence of (white) ‘native representatives’ in parliament, a legacy of the 1936 segregationist legislation. Franchise rights had been constitutionally entrenched at the time of Union so the removal of coloured voters would probably require a two-thirds majority in both houses, which the government could not hope to secure in the short term. Only by tampering with the Union constitution could this outcome be achieved. The government indicated that it was prepared to do so but by early 1949 no speciﬁc proposals were forthcoming.
Years of internecine nationalist squabbling had led many supporters of Smuts to believe, rather complacently, that Afrikaner extremists were more concerned with ﬁghting each other than in forming a united front. Smuts gravely misjudged the depth of institutional mobilization that had already been achieved. Afrikaans churches, universities, newspapers, cultural societies, lobbying circles, and professional groupings were operating at a feverish pitch by this stage. Even if Christian-Nationalist theory was too recondite and abstruse for many ordinary Afrikaners to engage with, the fact of its existence stood as comforting proof that Afrikaners were the possessors of their own distinctive philosophy.
By now, roughly half the Afrikaner population were living in cities and towns. Yet they continued to form only a small proportion of the professional classes and had barely begun to penetrate the upper echelons of the ﬁnancial and business sectors. They were a distinct minority of senior civil servants. Afrikaners were heavily represented in working-class areas and it was to this constituency that apartheid was directed in particular. The iconography of the Voortrekker Monument reﬂected a new, sacralized version of history which cast Afrikaners themselves as God’s chosen people.