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Even as the election beckoned different factions could not find common ground, presenting different motions to the floor at the preelection conference in Rostock. 30 Public relations gaffes also kept on occurring; the worst of which was the public apology that the new leader of the PDS’s parliamentary party in the Bundestag, Roland Claus (who had replaced Gysi in 2000), made to the US President, George Bush, after PDS politicians had walked out of parliament while he was making a speech there. Why on earth was the PDS apologising to a President who, so many in the party felt, was a war-monger?
The fact that the PDS was a country mile away from actually having any genuine say in Germany’s foreign policy was irrelevant – the symbolism Policies, Programmes and Personalities: The Post-1998 PDS 37 of a party out of kilter with significant currents of popular opinion was still significant. Two-thirds of the delegates voted against a motion that would have allowed the PDS to support German troops being stationed abroad, providing that a UN mandate for the mission had been obtained. The party leadership had wanted the conference to allow it to assess each proposed mission on a case-by-case basis, and although it remained very critical of the use of force in international affairs, it (sensibly) believed that it would be foolish to reject on principal the use of force on every occasion.
They tend to place much more emphasis on the importance of opposition to prevailing systemic structures and much less emphasis on socialism as an ideology. 20 Until recently the most well known representatives of this wing were Angela Marquardt and the circle of like-minded individuals that formed the AG Junge GenossInnen. The PDS’s initial programmatic aims were therefore twofold; on the one hand it sought to open itself up to all progressive radicals and to offer a prospective home to all elements of the anti-capitalist left.